Words are stones, "hands down in Article 18." Back to light an old slogan in the name of populism more genuine. Detonator of this flashback was dished up by the proposal estimated economist Tito Boeri on the pages of hypertext lavoce.info , encouraged by Tiziano Treu and the new secretary of the Democratic Party Walter Veltroni, which is the single contract in three stages: test integration and stability. A single contract of indefinite duration - reiterated Boeri - with a trial period of six months (longer than the present), and a second insertion phase (which lasts up to three years) with protection increasing progressively, until you get to those that exist today (in the final stage of stability) In practice the first three years of the contract, Article 18 does not apply. And of course the usual fuss could be made to wait. "The newcomers to the precarious", that the label affixed by the Secretary of the Communist Refoundation Franco Giordano. A history of the policies adopted by other European countries can help us understand that, in contrast, greater flexibility in output (including the response on 18), allows instead of promoting the so-called outsiders, those who are outside the labor market. Eurostat survey (data from 2006) reveals that compared to other EU member states, the percentage of temporary contracts in the United Kingdom is the smallest, or 5.8% of total employed persons. In our country, however, the contracts are coming to represent increased 13.1%. What causes this gap? The reason lies in the different distribution of existing protections in the Anglo-Saxon country: in fact, stable workers do not have a contract "sealed" and those employed on a precarious benefit from greater security, in order to move the system protection of the employment relationship to the labor market (you remember the Danish flexicurity matrix, which was relaunched by the European Commission's Green Paper?). So a great antidote to counteract instability. But the key to the problem lies in the question of art. 18 of the Statute of workers, particularly as regards the issue of reinstatement of the worker in the workplace. The rules currently in force in Italy provides for a mandatory system of protection for employers who occupy up to 15 employees (the employer can choose which subject to sanction: restoration of employment or compensation from 2.5 to 6 months) and a system of protection (or establishment) real for those who take more than 15 employees (in this case, in addition to compensation, is expected to reinstate the employee in the workplace). In contrast to some European countries the protection of dismissal without just cause does not have the obligatory return (as in Belgium, Denmark, France, Ireland and Spain) or at least is expected due to limitations (for example, the United Kingdom may be avoided by paying an additional fee). In the past in our country in a reformist effort has been made: during the XIV legislature, in fact, implantation of the bill S 848 of 2001, containing the "Delegation to the Government on the labor market, 'stood the proposal a temporary restriction of the scope of Article. 18 of Law 300/1970 and the institution of reinstatement. As you know, following protests culminating in the manifestation of the CGIL held in Rome March 23, 2002, the government eliminated that given by the bill. "But discipline is the main reason for the termination of the dualism of the labor market - Professor Cazzola wrote the columns of Il Sole 24 Ore, 23 September, quoting the example of Spain - until it comes to defining, in general, sustainable protection against unfair dismissal (confining the reintegration into the workplace to situations where discriminatory and prejudicial to fundamental rights) there will always be gaps hours complained. In essence, to combat the so-called uncertainty calls for a review, in a unified and redistributive, the grid of protection. In other European countries have been noticed. " In Italy the vast majority of firms have fewer than 10 employees and therefore the effects of Article 18 are reflected only on a rather narrow audience of workers. What sense, then, boil the approaches to the reform of this provision as a kind of "eschatology" of the system of guarantees and protections for workers? ALESSIO Maniscalco
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